Preserving Democracy: What Went Wrong in Ohio
 
                           executive summary
 
       Representative John Conyers, Jr., the Ranking Democrat on 
     the House Judiciary Committee, asked the Democratic staff to 
     conduct an investigation into irregularities reported in the 
     Ohio presidential election and to prepare a Status Report 
     concerning the same prior to the Joint Meeting of Congress 
     scheduled for January 6, 2005, to receive and consider the 
     votes of the electoral college for president. The following 
     Report includes a brief chronology of the events; summarizes 
     the relevant background law; provides detailed findings 
     (including factual findings and legal analysis); and 
     describes various recommendations for acting on this Report 
     going forward.
       We have found numerous, serious election irregularities in 
     the Ohio presidential election, which resulted in a 
     significant disenfranchisement of voters. Cumulatively, these 
     irregularities, which affected hundreds of thousands of votes 
     and voters in Ohio, raise grave doubts regarding whether it 
     can be said the Ohio electors selected on December 13, 2004, 
     were chosen in a manner that conforms to Ohio law, let alone 
     federal requirements and constitutional standards.
       This report, therefore, makes three recommendations: (1) 
     consistent with the requirements of the United States 
     Constitution concerning the counting of electoral votes by 
     Congress and Federal law implementing these requirements, 
     there are ample grounds for challenging the electors from the 
     State of Ohio; (2) Congress should engage in further hearings 
     into the widespread irregularities reported in Ohio; we 
     believe the problems are serious enough to warrant the 
     appointment of a joint select Committee of the House and 
     Senate to investigate and report back to the Members; and (3) 
     Congress needs to enact election reform to restore our 
     people's trust in our democracy. These changes should include 
     putting in place more specific federal protections for 
     federal elections, particularly in the areas of audit 
     capability for electronic voting machines and casting and 
     counting of provisional ballots, as well as other needed 
     changes to federal and state election laws.
       With regards to our factual finding, in brief, we find that 
     there were massive and unprecedented voter irregularities and 
     anomalies in Ohio. In many cases these irregularities were 
     caused by intentional misconduct and illegal behavior, much 
     of it involving Secretary of State J. Kenneth Blackwell, the 
     co-chair of the Bush-Cheney campaign in Ohio.
       First, in the run up to election day, the following actions 
     by Mr. Blackwell, the Republican Party and election officials 
     disenfranchised hundreds of thousands of Ohio citizens, 
     predominantly minority and Democratic voters:
       The misallocation of voting machines led to unprecedented 
     long lines that disenfranchised scores, if not hundreds of 
     thousands, of predominantly minority and Democratic voters. 
     This was illustrated by the fact that the Washington Post 
     reported that in Franklin County, ``27 of the 30 wards with 
     the most machines per registered voter showed majorities for 
     Bush. At the other end of the spectrum, six of the seven 
     wards with the fewest machines delivered large margins for 
     Kerry.'' Among other things, the conscious failure to 
     provide sufficient voting machinery violates the Ohio 
     Revised Code which requires the Boards of Elections to 
     ``provide adequate facilities at each polling place for 
     conducting the election.''
       Mr. Blackwell's decision to restrict provisional ballots 
     resulted in the disenfranchisement of tens, if not hundreds, 
     of thousands of voters, again predominantly minority and 
     Democratic voters. Mr. Blackwell's decision departed from 
     past Ohio law on provisional ballots, and there is no 
     evidence that a broader construction would have led to any 
     significant disruption at the polling places, and did not do 
     so in other states.
       Mr. Blackwell's widely reviled decision to reject voter 
     registration applications based on paper weight may have 
     resulted in thousands of new voters not being registered in 
     time for the 2004 election.
       The Ohio Republican Party's decision to engage in 
     preelection ``caging'' tactics, selectively targeting 35,000 
     predominantly minority voters for intimidation had a negative 
     impact on voter turnout. The Third Circuit
 
[[Page H88]]
 
     found these activities to be illegal and in direct violation 
     of consent decrees barring the Republican Party from 
     targeting minority voters for poll challenges.
       The Ohio Republican Party's decision to utilize thousands 
     of partisan challengers concentrated in minority and 
     Democratic areas likely disenfranchised tens of thousands of 
     legal voters, who were not only intimidated, but became 
     discouraged the long lines. Shockingly, these disruptions 
     were publicly predicted and acknowledged by Republican 
     officials: Mark Weaver, a lawyer for the Ohio Republican 
     Party, admitted the challenges ``can't help but create chaos, 
     longer lines and frustration.''
       Mr. Blackwell's decision to prevent voters who requested 
     absentee ballots but did not receive them on a timely basis 
     from being able to receive provisional ballots likely 
     disenfranchised thousands, if not tens of thousands, of 
     voters, particularly seniors. A federal court found Mr. 
     Blackwell's order to be illegal and in violation of HAVA.
       Second, on election day, there were numerous unexplained 
     anomalies and irregularities involving hundreds of thousands 
     of votes that have yet to be accounted for:
       There were widespread instances of intimidation and 
     misinformation in violation of the Voting Rights Act, the 
     Civil Rights Act of 1968, Equal Protection, Due Process and 
     the Ohio right to vote. Mr. Blackwell's apparent failure to 
     institute a single investigation into these many serious 
     allegations represents a violation of his statutory duty 
     under Ohio law to investigate election irregularities.
       We learned of improper purging and other registration 
     errors by election officials that likely disenfranchised tens 
     of thousands of voters statewide. The Greater Cleveland Voter 
     Registration Coalition projects that in Cuyahoga County alone 
     over 10,000 Ohio citizens lost their right to vote as a 
     result of official registration errors.
       There were 93,000 spoiled ballots where no vote was cast 
     for president, the vast majority of which have yet to be 
     inspected. The problem was particularly acute in two 
     precincts in Montgomery County which had an undervote rate of 
     over 25% each--accounting for nearly 6,000 voters who stood 
     in line to vote, but purportedly declined to vote for 
     president.
       There were numerous, significant unexplained irregularities 
     in other counties throughout the state: (i) In Mahoning 
     county at least 25 electronic machines transferred an unknown 
     number of Kerry votes to the Bush column; (ii) Warren County 
     locked out public observers from vote counting citing an FBI 
     warning about a potential terrorist threat, yet the FBI 
     states that it issued no such warning; (iii) the voting 
     records of Perry county show significantly more votes than 
     voters in some precincts, significantly less ballots than 
     voters in other precincts, and voters casting more than one 
     ballot; (iv) in Butler county a down ballot and underfunded 
     Democratic State Supreme Court candidate implausibly received 
     more votes than the best funded Democratic Presidential 
     candidate in history; (v) in Cuyahoga county, poll worker 
     error may have led to little known third party candidates 
     receiving twenty times more votes than such candidates had 
     ever received in otherwise reliably Democratic leaning areas; 
     (vi) in Miami county, voter turnout was an improbable and 
     highly suspect 98.55 percent, and after 100 percent of the 
     precincts were reported, an additional 19,000 extra votes 
     were recorded for President Bush.
       Third, in the post-election period we learned of numerous 
     irregularities in tallying provisional ballots and conducting 
     and completing the recount that disenfranchised thousands of 
     voters and call the entire recount procedure into question 
     (as of this date the recount is still not complete):
       Mr. Blackwell's failure to articulate clear and consistent 
     standards for the counting of provisional ballots resulted in 
     the loss of thousands of predominantly minority votes. In 
     Cuyahoga County alone, the lack of guidance and the 
     ultimate narrow and arbitrary review standards 
     significantly contributed to the fact that 8,099 out of 
     24,472 provisional ballots were ruled invalid, the highest 
     proportion in the state.
       Mr. Blackwell's failure to issue specific standards for the 
     recount contributed to a lack of uniformity in violation of 
     both the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clauses. 
     We found innumerable irregularities in the recount in 
     violation of Ohio law, including (i) counties which did not 
     randomly select the precinct samples; (ii) counties which did 
     not conduct a full hand court after the 3% hand and machine 
     counts did not match; (iii) counties which allowed for 
     irregular marking of ballots and failed to secure and store 
     ballots and machinery; and (iv) counties which prevented 
     witnesses for candidates from observing the various aspects 
     of the recount.
       The voting computer company Triad has essentially admitted 
     that it engaged in a course of behavior during the recount in 
     numerous counties to provide ``cheat sheets'' to those 
     counting the ballots. The cheat sheets informed election 
     officials how many votes they should find for each candidate, 
     and how many over and under votes they should calculate to 
     match the machine count. In that way, they could avoid doing 
     a full county-wide hand recount mandated by state law.